1. Introduction
“Freedom, rebellion, unity.” These words could describe both the heroes of One Piece and the generation now waving their flag in the streets. The skull-and-straw-hat emblem of the world’s best-selling manga [1] – a reference to a crew of pirates defying a “corrupt world government” – has become a recurring motif in Gen Z protests from Nepal to Morocco, Indonesia to Madagascar [2]. Behind what might seem like just “another pop culture symbol,” lies something more serious: young people across the world have been rallying against corruption, inequality, and poor job prospects.
In Morocco, the upheaval was sparked by the deaths of eight women following failed caesarean sections in a hospital in mid-September 2025 in Agadir [3], exposing the country’s faltering public healthcare system. Within days, a leaderless collective, Gen Z 212, had transformed online outrage into nationwide mobilisation via Discord. But as the initial shock subsides, critical questions emerge: Is this movement merely a fleeting expression of global Gen Z solidarity, destined to fade as quickly as it appeared? Or can this leaderless, digitally native collective forge a lasting political change?
2. From Hospital Tragedy to Hashtag Outrage
“Schools and hospitals, rather than stadiums!” [3], read one of the slogans seen outside Agadir’s Hassan II hospital, where the eight deaths occurred mid-September. The tragic episode reignited debate over Morocco’s heavy investments in infrastructures for the African Cup of Nations (CAN) football tournament in December, and the 2030 men’s World Cup – which Morocco will co-host – alongside underfunded health and education sectors [3].
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Over the past decade, Morocco has distinguished itself among non-oil Arab economies through major investments in infrastructure, renewable energy, and manufacturing, Reuters reports [4]. The country has also emerged as Africa’s leading tourist destination in 2024, surpassing Egypt [5].
Yet, for many Moroccans, this narrative of macroeconomic success rings hollow. Indeed, youth unemployment reached 36% in 2025 [6], and the country is fractured by strong regional disparities and a persistent gap between the public and private sectors. [7].
By comparison, youth unemployment stood at roughly 40% in Tunisia, 30% in Algeria, and 19% in Egypt in 2024, according to the World Bank [16]. This regional picture underlines that Morocco’s youth frustration is not an anomaly but part of a broader wave of disenchantment sweeping across North Africa.
Despite Morocco’s drive to modernise, progress has not been (yet) matched by equal distribution in social welfare, fuelling indignation that has increasingly found expression online.
3. Digital Mobilisation
Within days, outrage coalesced under the banner of Gen Z 212, a leaderless and apolitical collective named after Morocco’s dialling code. The protests were coordinated through the collective’s Discord server, which now has more than 200,000 members [3] [7].”
Originally created for gamers, Discord has evolved into a tool for political mobilisation, offering relative anonymity, fast horizontal communication, and thematically organised channels that make coordination spontaneous and decentralised (allowing coordination between cities across the kingdom). Although the platform has its limits, it has been used by protesters not only in Morocco but also in Nepal, Madagascar, and other countries hit by the recent Gen Z upheaval wave [8].
These very traits align with the movement’s strategy. As journalist Mehdi Michbal observed in Le Point [15], “today, this generation has opted for a radically different tactic: anonymity, the absence of a leader or coordinator, and a clear desire to stay away from any political recuperation”. Yet this same decentralisation that empowers the movement also limits its coherence.
4. The Double-Edged Sword of a Leaderless Collective
The spontaneity of the Gen Z 212 movement and its lack of structure has proved to be a double-edged sword for grassroots activism [9]. Douaa Bourhaba, one of the movement’s prominent online figures, noted in Le Monde that “the lack of guidance for a connected youth, but one largely unfamiliar with grassroots activism, has likely worked against the mobilisation,” adding that “many were taking part in demonstrations for the first time” [11].
In addition to these internal weaknesses, sustained security crackdowns further eroded momentum after outbreaks of violence during some demonstrations – notably in Lqliâa, near Agadir, where clashes on the night of 1-2 October left three demonstrators dead [3]. The complete refusal of any political affiliation also hampered cohesion, while Gen Z 212’s demands were paradoxically taken up by opposition parties seeking to capitalise on the movement’s popularity.
“Acknowledging these limits, the movement adopted a new strategy over the weekend [of 11–12 October], which the collective wants to be “more efficient and more influential” [12].” This new approach is characterised by a suspension of calls to take to the streets every day for the benefit of a ‘better organisation and coordination’ – as well as new forms of mobilisation such as the boycott of the Morocco–Congo match on October the 14th [12].”
While not all of the movement’s demands have been met, the authorities nonetheless provided a response to the upheaval.
5. The government response
The movement’s current demands include improving public services in education and healthcare, the resignation of Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch, the prosecution of officials implicated in corruption cases, and the release of those arrested during the demonstrations [3]. Gen Z 212 chose to present its demands directly to King Mohammed VI, ignoring the government’s call for dialogue [9].
In his address to Parliament on 10 October, the king called on ministers to accelerate “the creation of jobs for young people” and “the concrete promotion of education and health-care sectors,” without directly mentioning the demonstrations [7]. The following week, the royal palace announced that 140 billion dirhams ($15 billion) would be allocated to health and education in the 2026 budget, a 16% increase from the previous year [13]. The draft budget will be presented to parliament in November.
The Moroccan case differs from other Gen Z protests in that the movement directs its criticism at the government rather than the monarchy [3]. The notion of royal sacrality – a deeply rooted cultural and constitutional principle – remains largely unchallenged. While demonstrators have demanded the government’s resignation, none has questioned the monarchy itself, an institution many still regard as a symbol of unity and stability.
The unrest marks Morocco’s largest mobilisation since the 2011 Arab Spring, when King Mohammed VI responded by devolving limited powers to parliament. Unlike Tunisia or Egypt, where uprisings toppled long-standing regimes, Morocco contained the 2011 wave through cautious reform rather than rupture. Today, the palace favours stability through economic concessions by pledging vast investments in health and education, instead of pursuing political change.
6. Conclusion
Together, these factors reveal both the promise and fragility of Morocco’s Gen Z revolt. The movement has channelled social frustration into new, digital forms of activism while remaining within the country’s traditional political boundaries. Whether its new strategy can turn online momentum into lasting reform remains uncertain. Yet the questions it raised – about youth representation, equality, and the priorities of public investment – continue to resonate.
In an ironic twist, the same youth who have been protesting against massive spending on stadiums also celebrated the country’s recent historic victory on the pitch. As Morocco won the Under-20 Men World Cup [14], a paradox appears – one that captures the deeper truth of a youth that demands dignity at home yet rejoices in symbols of national pride, determined to shape Morocco’s future both on and off the field.
Edited by Maxime Pierre.
References
[1] Book Riot. “27 of the Bestselling Manga of All Time”, 17 Oct. 2023, https://bookriot.com/bestselling-manga/.
[2] The Guardian. “The Guardian view on gen Z protests: these movements share more than an interest in anime”. 12 oct. 2025,
[3] Le Monde. “Morocco’s Generation Z sounds the alarm”, 3 Oct. 2025,
[4] Reuters. “Youth-led unrest exposes cracks in Morocco’s economic model”, 6 Oct. 2025,
[5] The Africain Report. “How Morocco overtook Egypt as Africa’s leading tourist destination” ,16 jan. 2025 https://www.theafricareport.com/373958/how-morocco-overtook-egypt-as-africas-leading-tourist-destination/#:~:text=Morocco%20welcomed%2017.4%20million%20visitors,goal%20originally%20set%20for%202026%E2%80%9D.
[6] AP News. “Gen Z protests are shaking Morocco. Here’s what to know”, 4 Oct. 2025 https://apnews.com/article/morocco-gen-z-protests-king-explainer-b6bc8c7bbee375e0896d75f5c5a085fb
[7] France 24. “Au Maroc, le roi appelle à accélérer les réformes sociales alors que jeunes sont dans la rue”, 10 Oct. 2025, https://www.france24.com/fr/afrique/20251010-maroc-roi-appelle-acc%C3%A9l%C3%A9rer-r%C3%A9formes-sociales-alors-que-jeunes-sont-dans-rue
[8] Le Monde. “How Discord has become a tool for youth mobilization in Morocco and Nepal”, 4 Oct. 2025, https://www.lemonde.fr/en/pixels/article/2025/10/05/how-discord-has-become-a-tool-for-youth-mobilization-from-morocco-to-nepal_6746108_13.html
[9] Orient XXI. “Maroc. Quand la Génération Z se soulève”, 8 Oct. 2025,
https://orientxxi.info/magazine/maroc-quand-la-generation-z-se-souleve,8570
[10] Le Monde. “Morocco rocked by Gen Z uprising: ‘We are the youth, we are not parasites”, 3 Oct. 2025,
[11] Le Monde. “Au Maroc, la mobilisation de la génération Z s’essouffle, mais le malaise social persiste”, 19 Oct. 2025,
[12] RFI. “Maroc: le mouvement GenZ 212 à la recherche d’un second souffle”, 15 Oct. 2025,
https://www.rfi.fr/fr/afrique/20251014-marocctions
[13] Reuters. “Morocco to boost health, education spending to $15 billion in 2026”, 20 Oct. 2025,
https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/morocco-boost-health-education-spending-15-bln-2026-2025-10-19/
[14] BBC. “Morocco look to build on first U20 World Cup title”, 20 Oct. 2025”,
[15] Le Point. “Comment le collectif “Gen Z 212” bouscule le Maroc”, 2 Oct. 2025,
https://www.lepoint.fr/monde/au-maroc-gen-z-212-defie-l-ordre-etabli-02-10-2025-2600080_24.php
[16] Worldbank.
[Cover image] “Moroccan Flag Waves Over Coastal Fortification”, n.d (https://www.pexels.com/photo/moroccan-flag-waves-over-coastal-fortification-30563467/) by Mag Photography (https://www.pexels.com/@mag-photography-1501456/) licensed under Pexels.com.
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